International Campaign for Freedom of Aung San Suu Kyi and Burma


Wednesday, February 24, 2016

Open Letter to Permanent Representatives of Member and Observer States of the UN Human Rights Council

 

24 February 2016
 

 

Open Letter to Permanent Representatives of Member and Observer States of the UN Human Rights Council

 

Dear Excellencies,

We write to you regarding Burma/Myanmar as civil society groups working on the ground in the country. We strongly urge you to continue the UN Human Rights Council resolution on Burma/Myanmar and as in past years extend the mandate of the Special Rapporteur under Item 4 of the Council's agenda. At this important juncture in the country's history, we request the Council and the Special Rapporteur to work towards establishing clearly benchmarked guidelines that will act as a road map for the future of human rights in Burma/Myanmar.

Burma/Myanmar's political transition is at the cusp of a new era, however this era is yet to come and a full transition is yet to take place. It is at such moments that we look to the Council for heightened vigilance and support. These moments are fragile and years of hard work can be easily derailed at such a time in the absence of close scrutiny and monitoring.

When the Council considers Burma/Myanmar this year, the newly elected government would not have fully settled in and the extent of democratic civilian control still remains limited. Under the 2008 Constitution, the military is guaranteed 25% of Parliamentary seats; control of three key and powerful ministries; extensive powers through the General Administration Department (GAD) under the Ministry of Home Affairs; and has the upper hand in the powerful National Defense and Security Council (NDSC). Constitutional safeguards also prevent elections from truly being free, fair and credible while ensuring the military remains impervious to change. Recent legislative initiatives, such as the proposed NDSC bill, approval of the Presidential Security bill and extension of the military commander in chief's retirement age by a further five years, are further bids to shore up the military's power. Until the military is reformed, placed under civilian control and held accountable for its actions, it will remain the main perpetrator of human rights abuses.

In the coming months, as we approach a potential point of departure for politics in the country, it is important to recognise that beneath the political transition there lies an enormous human rights challenge.

As you may know the government's pledge to release all political prisoners by 2013 is yet to be fulfilled. 2015 ended with 128 political prisoners still behind bars while 403 activists and human rights defenders awaited trials. The year 2015 saw an increased crackdown on dissent and the freedom of association. Notorious laws such as the Article 18 of the Peaceful Assembly and Procession Act and the Telecommunications Act remain prone to abuse alongside a draconian criminal code. Institutions such as the judiciary and the Myanmar National Human Rights Commission need urgent reforms to ensure their independence and impartiality. The military drafted 2008 Constitution in its current form entrenches impunity and enables the Burma Army to control all walks of life through its position in key ministries. Such fundamental institutional changes will require close monitoring and assistance by UN experts as well as public participation.

Serious ongoing armed conflict and escalating forced displacements, particularly in ethnic areas, makes a mockery of the peace process including the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA). The armed conflict continues to displace victims by the thousands and has affected most of these communities for many decades alongside widespread abuses including torture, sexual violence and extrajudicial killings, all of which still continue at present. This is in addition to the thousands of refugees along the Thailand-Burma/Myanmar border who continue to be displaced with little prospects for a safe and dignified return. The military continues to exert an iron grip on ethnic minority states and is the largest perpetrator of abuses, including the systematic use of sexual violence. A former UN special rapporteur on the situation of human rights situation in Burma/Myanmar called for an inquiry into war crimes and crimes against humanity in the country and said that abuses were "a state policy that involves authorities in the executive, military and judiciary at all levels". The recently signed NCA and the following Union Peace Conference have not signalled any possibility of change.

In the past few years intolerance and religious extremism have been rife in Burma/Myanmar. Systematic discrimination imposed through legislation and state policy on Muslim minority communities is notable in this regard. The intensity of this discrimination provoked a massive regional refugee and humanitarian crisis last year, encompassing parts of South Asia and a major part of South East Asia. To date, the root causes for their persecution and flight are yet to be resolved.

Deeply entrenched conflicts have to be resolved and truth, justice and accountability need to be established. This is once again a task of massive proportions that will require extensive international assistance, monitoring and expertise.

We believe that it is imperative for the UN Human Rights Council to play a leadership role in this momentous time in the history of Burma/Myanmar. The Council should utilise its long experience of engaging with the country as it continues its nascent transition and political reforms toward democracy. In order to do this the body should continue its current engagement under item 4 of its agenda and take advantage of this historic moment to provide a clear vision and roadmap to tackle the massive human rights challenges Burma/Myanmar faces. The government of Burma/Myanmar should in tandem take immediate steps to facilitate the opening of the long pending Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) with a full monitoring and reporting mandate within the country.

Please accept the assurance of our highest consideration.

Signed by:

1.    ေက်းလက္လူငယ္ကြန္ယက္ (ေစတုတၲရာ)
2.    စိမ္းေရာင္စို (တံတားဦး)
3.    တံတားဦးစီမံကိန္းမ်ားေစာင့္ႀကည့္ေရးေကာ္မတီ
4.    ေတာင္သူလယ္သမားမ်ားသမဂၢ (တံတားဦး)
5.    ကံမလူငယ္အဖဲြ႕
6.    ေညာင္ကုန္းသစ္ပင္ခ်စ္သူမ်ားအဖဲြ႕(ပြင့္ျဖဴ)
7.    မင္းလွ၊ သရက္လူငယ္အဖဲြ႕
8.    ပေဒသာမိုး
9.    တြံေတးကြန္ရက္
10.    လြတ္လပ္ေသာအရိႈခ်င္းမ်ားအင္အားစု (ငဖဲ)
11.    Action Committee for Democracy Development
12.    All Arakan Civil Society Organizations Partnership
13.    All Arakan Students' and Youths' Congress
14.    All Burma Federation of Student Unions
15.    Alliance for Gender Inclusion in the Peace Process
16.    Arakan Rivers Network
17.    Article 19 Myanmar
18.    Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
19.    Association of Human Rights Defenders and Promoters
20.    Ayerwaddy West Development Organization (မင္းဘူး)
21.    Azure Women Group
22.    Back Pack Health Worker Team
23.    Burma Issues
24.    Burma Medical Association
25.    Burma Partnership
26.    Burma Study Center
27.    Burmese Women's Union
28.    Candle Light
29.    Care For Children
30.    Chin Youth Network
31.    Chinland Natural Resources Watch Group
32.    Civil Authorize Negotiate Organization
33.    Committee for Internally Displaced Karen People
34.    Committee for Protection and Promotion of Child Rights (Burma)
35.    Community Response Group
36.    Community Sustainable Livelihood Development Committee
37.    Dawei 88 Geneation
38.    Dawei Development Association
39.    Dawei Research Association
40.    Dawei Watch Foundation
41.    Dawei Youth Fellowship
42.    Diverze Youth Art Platform
43.    Educational Initiatives
44.    Equality Myanmar
45.    Ethnic Affairs Institute
46.    Ethnic Youths Development Center
47.    Farmer Union (Dawei District)
48.    Farmer Union Kyaukse
49.    Farmers And Landworkers Union (Myanmar)
50.    Forum for Democracy in Burma
51.    Free Thinkers
52.    Future Light Center
53.    Gender Equality Network
54.    Gender and Development Institute-Myanmar
55.    Genuine People's Servants
56.    Green Rights Organization (Shan State)
57.    Green Soul
58.    Green Trust Pyin Oo Lwin
59.    Human Rights Defenders Myingyan
60.    Human Rights Educators Network
61.    Human Rights Foundation of Mon Land
62.    Human Rights Watch Dawei
63.    Humanity Institute
64.    IFI Watch Myanmar
65.    ISchool – Myanmar
66.    Justice Movement for Community – Innlay
67.    Kachin Canadian Association
68.    Kachin Development Networking Group
69.    Kachin Legal Aid Network
70.    Kachin Peace Network
71.    Kachin Women Peace Network
72.    Kachin Women's Association – Thailand
73.    Karen Environmental and Social Action Network
74.    Karen Human Rights Group
75.    Karen Women's Organization
76.    Karenni National Women's Organization
77.    Karenni Refugee Committee
78.    Karenni Social Welfare and Development Center
79.    Kayan Women's Organization
80.    Land in Our Hands
81.    Mae Tao Clinic
82.    Mon Youth Organization - Ye
83.    Mong Pan Youth Association
84.    Myanmar Alliance for Transparency and Accountability
85.    Myanmar Alliance for Transparency and Accountability (Mandalay Division)
86.    Myanmar China Pipeline Watch Committee
87.    Myanmar Network Organization for Free and Fair Elections
88.    Myanmar People Alliance
89.    Nay Thu Yein Law Firm
90.    Network for Democracy and Development
91.    Network for Human Rights Documentation – Burma
92.    Overseas Irrawaddy Association
93.    Palaung Women's Organization
94.    Parents, Families and Friends of Lesbians and Gays – Myanmar
95.    Paung Ku
96.    Peace & Open Society (Kyaukse Twonship)
97.    Peace and Justice
98.    Rays of Kamothway Indegnious Pepole Network
99.    Sha-it Social Development Foundation
100.    Shan Human Rights Foundation
101.    Shan Youth Power
102.    Social Program Aid for Civil Education
103.    Takapaw
104.    Tanintharyi River and Indegnious People Network
105.    Tavoyan Women's Union
106.    Ta'ang Students and Youth Organization
107.    The Seagull: Human Rights, Peace and Development
108.    Thuriya Sandra Environmentally
109.    Union of Karenni State Youth
110.    United ACT
111.    Upper Chindwin Youth Network
112.    Volunteer Youth Group (ေစတုတၲရာ)
113.    Wan Lark Development Foundation (Arakan)
114.    Warmly Metta Organization
115.    Women And Peace Action Network (Shan State)
116.    Women's League of Burma
117.    Yaung Chi Oo Workers' Association
118.    Yaung Zin Organization
119.    Youth Development Network
120.    Youth Pacemaker Organization
121.    Zomi Students and Youth Organization

Download the joint open letter in English here
Download the joint open letter in Burmese here
 


၂၄ ေဖေဖာ္၀ါ၇ီ ၂၀၁၆
 

သို႔

ကုလသမဂၢလူ႔အခြင့္အေရးေကာင္စီ အဖြဲ႔၀င္ႏွင့္ ေလ့လာသူႏုိင္ငံမ်ား၏ အၿမဲတမ္းကိုယ္စားလွယ္မ်ား


ေလးစားရပါေသာ ဂုဏ္သေရရွိ လူႀကီးမင္းမ်ားရွင့္/ခင္ဗ်ား

ေအာက္ေျချပည္သူလူထုမ်ားႏွင့္ အလုပ္လုပ္ေနေသာ အရပ္ဘက္လူထုအဖြဲ႔အစည္းမ်ားျဖစ္သည့္ကၽြႏု္ပ္တို႔မွ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံႏွင့္ပတ္ သက္ၿပီး လူႀကီးမင္းမ်ားထံသို႔ စာေရးလိုက္ပါသည္။ လူႀကီးမင္းမ်ားအေနျဖင့္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံဆိုင္ရာ ကုလသမဂၢလူ႔အခြင့္အေရးေကာင္စီ (UN Human Rights Council – UNHRC) ၏ ဆံုးျဖတ္ခ်က္ကို ဆက္လက္ ထားရွိရန္ႏွင့္ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံဆိုင္ရာကုလသမဂၢလူ႔အခြင့္ အေရးအထူးကိုယ္စားလွယ္၏ အခြင့္အာဏာကို ယခင္ႏွစ္မ်ား အတိုင္း ေကာင္စီ၏ အစီအစဥ္ အမွတ္ ၄ ေအာက္တြင္ သက္တမ္းတိုးၿပီး ဆက္လက္ထားရွိေပးရန္ အေလးအနက္ တိုက္တြန္းအပ္ပါသည္။ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ၏သမိုင္းတြင္ ဤအေရးႀကီးလွေသာဆံုခ်က္ကာလ၌ ေကာင္စီႏွင့္ အထူးကိုယ္စား လွယ္တို႔မွ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံလူ႔အခြင့္အေရး၏ အနာဂတ္အတြက္ လမ္းျပေျမပံုအျဖစ္ ေဆာင္ရြက္ေပးမည့္ ရွင္းလင္းေသခ်ာ ေသာ စံႏႈန္းမွီလမ္းၫႊန္မူမ်ား ခ်မွတ္တည္ေထာင္ေရးအတြက္ လုပ္ေဆာင္ၾကပါရန္ ကၽြႏ္ုပ္တုိ႔မွ ပန္ၾကားအပ္ပါသည္။

ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ၏ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအသြင္ေျပာင္းမႈသည္ ေခတ္သစ္တစ္ခု၏ အနားစပ္သို႔ ေရာက္ရွိေနၿပီျဖစ္ပါသည္။ သို႔ရာတြင္ ယင္းေခတ္ထဲ မေရာက္ေသးသလို ရာႏႈန္းျပည့္အသြင္ေျပာင္းမႈသည္လည္း ျဖစ္မလာေသးေပ။ ယင္းကဲ့ သို႔ေသာအခ်ိန္အခါတြင္ ေကာင္စီ၏ ပိုမိုျမင့္မားသည့္ ႏိုးၾကားသတိႏွင့္ ေထာက္ကူအားေပးမႈတို႔ ရယူႏိုင္ရန္ ကၽြႏ္ုပ္တို႔မွ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ပါသည္။ ဤကာလမ်ားသည္ ကြဲရွလြယ္ၿပီး အနီးကပ္ စစ္ေဆးေလ့လာမႈႏွင့္ ေစာင့္ၾကည့္အကဲခတ္မႈမ်ား ကင္းမဲ့ပါက ႏွစ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ အပတ္တကုတ္ ႀကိဳးပမ္းအားထုတ္ခ်က္မ်ားမွာ အလြယ္တကူပင္ ေရစုန္ေမ်ာသြားႏိုင္ သည္။ ယခုႏွစ္အတြက္ ေကာင္စီမွ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံအေပၚ စဥ္းစားသံုးသပ္သည့္အခ်ိန္တြင္ ေရြးေကာက္ခံအစိုးရသစ္မွာ အျပည့္အဝအထိုင္က်ဦးမည္မဟုတ္ဘဲ အရပ္ဘက္ဒီမိုကေရစီခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္မႈ ပမာဏကိုလည္း တိက်စြာသတ္မွတ္ႏိုင္ဦး မည္ မဟုတ္ေသးပါ။ ၂၀၀၈ ဖြဲ႔စည္းပံုအေျခခံဥပေဒအရ စစ္တပ္သည္ လႊတ္ေတာ္၌ အမတ္ေနရာ ၂၅% ရရွိထားၿပီး ေသာ့ခ်က္က်သည့္ အင္အားႀကီးဝန္ႀကီးဌာနသံုးခုကိုလည္း ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ထားျခင္း၊ အေထြေထြအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးဦးစီးဌာန မွတဆင့္ က်ယ္က်ယ္ျပန္႔ျပန္႔ ျဖန္႔က်က္ထားျခင္းႏွင့္ ၾသဇာႀကီးသည့္ အမ်ဳိးသားကာကြယ္ေရးႏွင့္လံုျခံဳေရးေကာင္စီ (National Defense and Security Council – NDSC) ၌လည္း အေပၚစီးရရွိထားျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္။ ဖြဲ႔စည္းပံု အေျခခံဥပေဒမွ လြတ္လပ္၊ မွ်တ၍ ဂုဏ္သိကၡာရွိေသာ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲမ်ား မွန္ကန္စြာ ေဖာ္ေဆာင္က်င္းပႏုိင္ေရးတို႔ကို ကာကြယ္တားဆီးထားၿပီး စစ္တပ္ျပဳျပင္းေျပာင္းလဲေရးကိုလည္း မျပဳလုပ္ႏုိင္ေအာင္ ေသခ်ာစြာ အကာအကြယ္ ေပးထားသည္။ NDSC ဆိုင္ရာ ဥပေဒျပဳတင္သြင္းေရး၊ သမၼတလံုျခံဳေရး ဥပေဒၾကမ္း အတည္ျပဳေရးႏွင့္ တရား၀င္ အၿငိမ္းစားအနားယူသက္တမ္း ျပည့္ၿပီးျဖစ္ေသာ္လည္း တပ္မေတာ္ကာကြယ္ေရးဦးစီးခ်ဳပ္၏ အနားယူသက္တမ္းကို ေနာက္ထပ္ ၅ ႏွစ္ ထပ္တိုးျမွင့္လိုက္ျခင္းတို႔ကဲ့သို႔ မၾကာေသးမီက ဥပေဒျပဳေရးေျခလွမ္းမ်ားသည္ ၎၏အာဏာကို တိုးျမႇင့္ရန္ ေနာက္ထပ္ၾကိဳးပမ္းမႈမ်ားပင္ ျဖစ္သည္။ စစ္တပ္ကို ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲျခင္း၊ အရပ္ဘက္ ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္မႈ ေအာက္သို႔ ထားရွိျခင္းႏွင့္ ၎၏လုပ္ရပ္မ်ားအတြက္ တာ၀န္ယူမႈ တာ၀န္ခံမႈ ျပဳလုပ္ျခင္းမ်ား မျပဳလုပ္ႏုိင္ေသးသေရြ႕ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲမ်ား မည္မွ်ပင္ က်င္းပေနေစကာမူ စစ္တပ္သည္ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရး ခ်ဳိးေဖာက္မႈမ်ား၏ အဓိကက်ဴးလြန္သူ အျဖစ္ ဆက္ရွိေနဦးမည္သာ ျဖစ္သည္။

လာမည့္လမ်ားတြင္ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံအတြင္း ျဖစ္ေပၚလာႏုိင္သည့္ ႏိုင္ငံေရးစနစ္ အေျပာင္းအလဲ နီးစပ္ခ်ဥ္းကပ္ လာခ်ိန္တြင္ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအကူးအေျပာင္း၏ေနာက္ ကြယ္၌ ႀကီးမားလွေသာ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးစိန္ေခၚမႈႀကီး ရွိေနသည္ကို အသိအမွတ္ျပဳႏိုင္ရန္ အေရးႀကီးပါသည္။

၂၀၁၃ ခုႏွစ္ ေနာက္ဆံုးထား၍ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားအားလံုး လႊတ္ေပးမည္ဟူေသာ အစိုးရ၏ ကတိျပဳ ခ်က္မွာ ယေန႔ထိ မျပည့္ေသးဘဲ ရွိေနသည္ကို လူႀကီးမင္းမ်ား သိထားၿပီး ျဖစ္ပါလိမ့္မည္။ ၂၀၁၅ ခုႏွစ္ ကုန္ဆံုးသြား ေသာ္လည္း ႏိုင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသား ၁၂၈ ဦး အက်ဥ္းက်ေနဆဲျဖစ္ၿပီး လႈပ္ရွားတက္ႂကြသူႏွင့္ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးကာကြယ္ ေစာင့္ေရွာက္သူ ၄၀၃ ဦးမွာ တရားဆိုင္ေနရဆဲ ျဖစ္သည္။ ၂၀၁၅ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ အတိုက္အခံႏွင့္ လြတ္လပ္စြာ သင္းပင္းဖြဲ႔စည္းခြင့္အေပၚ ႏွိပ္ကြပ္မႈတိုးျမင့္လာသည္ကိုလည္း ေတြ႔ရပါသည္။ အမည္ဆိုးျဖင့္ ေက်ာ္ၾကားေသာဥပေဒ မ်ားျဖစ္သည့္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းစြာစုေဝးခြင့္ႏွင့္ စီတန္းလွည့္လည္ခြင့္ဥပေဒ ပုဒ္မ ၁၈ ႏွင့္ အီလက္ထရြန္းနစ္ ဆက္သြယ္ ေဆာင္ရြက္ေရးဥပေဒတို႔သည္ ၾကမ္းတမ္းျပင္းထန္ေသာ ရာဇသတ္ႀကီးဥပေဒႏွင့္အတူ တလြဲအသံုးခ်ခံရရန္ အလား အလာမ်ားေနၿပီး တရားစီရင္ေရးပိုင္းႏွင့္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံအမ်ဳိးသားလူ႔အခြင့္ အေရးေကာ္မရွင္တို႔ကဲ့သို႔ေသာ အေဆာက္ အအံုမ်ားသည္လည္း ၎တို႔၏ လြတ္လပ္မႈႏွင့္ ဘက္မလိုက္မႈကို အာမခံႏိုင္ရန္ အေရးတႀကီး ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲမႈမ်ား လိုအပ္ေနပါသည္။ စစ္တပ္မွ ေရးဆြဲထားေသာ ၂၀၀၈ ဖြဲ႔စည္းပံုအေျခခံဥပေဒသည္ ၎၏လက္ရွိတည္ေဆာက္ပံုအရ စစ္တပ္အတြက္ ျပစ္ဒဏ္ခံရျခင္းကင္းလြတ္ခြင့္ကို အခိုင္အခံ့ထည့္သြင္းထားၿပီး စစ္တပ္အေနျဖင့္ အဓိကက်ေသာ ဝန္ႀကီးဌာနမ်ား၌ ေနရာယူထားျခင္းျဖင့္ လူတန္းစားအလႊာအားလံုးကို စစ္တပ္မွ ဆက္လက္ခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္ႏိုင္ခြင့္ကို ေပးထားျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္။ ယင္းကဲ့သို႔ အေျခခံက်ေသာ အေဆာက္အအံုပိုင္း အေျပာင္းအလဲမ်ားအတြက္ ကုလသမဂၢ ဆိုင္ရာ ကၽြမ္းက်င္သူမ်ား၏ အနီးကပ္ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေလ့လာမႈႏွင့္ ေထာက္ကူမႈတို႔အျပင္ အမ်ားျပည္သူတို႔၏ ပါဝင္ ေဆာင္ရြက္မႈမ်ားလည္း လိုအပ္မည္ ျဖစ္ပါသည္။

ျပင္းထန္ၿပီး ျဖစ္ပြားေနဆဲျဖစ္သည့္ လက္နက္ကိုင္ပဋိပကၡမ်ားႏွင့္ အရွိန္ျမွင့္တက္လာေနေသာ အတင္းအဓမၼ ေရႊ႕ေျပာင္းေစမႈမ်ား၊ အထူးသျဖင့္ တိုင္းရင္းသားေဒသမ်ားရွိ ထိုကဲ့သို႔ေသာ ျဖစ္ရပ္မ်ားသည္ တစ္ႏိုင္ငံလံုးဆိုင္ရာ ပစ္ခတ္တိုက္ခိုက္မႈရပ္စဲေရးသေဘာတူစာခ်ဳပ္ (Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement - NCA) အပါအဝင္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးလုပ္ငန္းစဥ္ကို ပ်က္ရယ္ျပဳေနပါသည္။ လက္နက္ကိုင္ပဋိပကၡမ်ားေၾကာင့္ ေထာင္ႏွင့္ခ်ီသည့္ ဒုကၡသည္ မ်ား အိုးအိမ္စြန္႔ေရႊ႕ေျပာင္းရမႈမ်ား ဆက္လက္ျဖစ္ေပၚေစၿပီး ယင္းရပ္ရြာလူထုအမ်ားစုကို ဆယ္စုႏွစ္မ်ားစြာ ထိခိုက္ ေစခဲ့သည့္ ညႇဥ္းပမ္းႏွိပ္စက္မႈ၊ ဥပေဒမဲ့သတ္ျဖတ္မႈတို႔ကဲ့သို႔ မတရားခ်ဳိးေဖာက္မႈမ်ားမွာလည္း ယခုထိတိုင္တြဲဖက္ၿပီး ဆက္လက္ျဖစ္ေပၚေနဆဲ ျဖစ္သည္။ ထို႔အျပင္ ထိုင္း-ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္တေလွ်ာက္၌ လံုျခံဳေဘးကင္းၿပီး သိကၡာရွိစြာ ေနရပ္ျပန္ႏိုင္ေရး အလားအလာအနည္းငယ္မွ်ျဖင့္ ဆက္လက္အိုးအိမ္စြန္႔ေနရဆဲ ေထာင္ႏွင့္ခ်ီေသာ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ား လည္း ရွိေနပါသည္။ စစ္တပ္သည္ လူနည္းစုတိုင္းရင္းသားျပည္နယ္မ်ားကို သံမဏိလက္ဖဝါးျဖင့္ ဆက္လက္ ဆုပ္ကိုင္ထားၿပီး လိင္ပိုင္းဆိုင္ရာအၾကမ္းဖက္မႈမ်ားကိုလည္း စစ္လက္နက္သဖြယ္ စနစ္တက်က်င့္သံုးျခင္းအပါအဝင္ မတရားခ်ဳိးေဖာက္က်င့္ၾကံမႈမ်ားကို အႀကီးဆံုးက်ဴးလြန္သူလည္း ျဖစ္ေနပါသည္။ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံဆိုင္ရာ ကုလသမဂၢ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးအထူးကိုယ္စားလွယ္ေဟာင္းတစ္ဦးမွ ႏိုင္ငံတြင္းျဖစ္ပြားေနေသာ စစ္ရာဇဝတ္မႈမ်ားႏွင့္ လူသားမ်ဳိးႏြယ္ ဆန္႔က်င္သည့္ရာဇဝတ္မႈမ်ားကို စံုစမ္းစစ္ေဆးရန္ ေတာင္းဆိုခဲ့ၿပီး မတရားက်ဴးလြန္မႈမ်ားသည္ "အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရး၊ စစ္ေရးႏွင့္ တရားစီရင္ေရး အဆင့္တိုင္းမွ အာဏာပိုင္မ်ားႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္ေနသည့္ ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္အစိုးရမူဝါဒတစ္ရပ္" ျဖစ္ေနေၾကာင္း ေျပာၾကားခဲ့ပါသည္။ မၾကာေသးခင္၌ လက္မွတ္ထိုးခဲ့သည့္ NCA ႏွင့္ ေနာက္ဆက္တြဲက်င္းပခဲ့သည့္ ျပည္ေထာင္စုၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးညီလာခံတို႔သည္ အေျပာင္းအလဲမ်ားျဖစ္ေပၚေစမည့္ အလားအလာ မေတြ႔ရေသးေပ။

လြန္ခဲ့သည့္ ႏွစ္အနည္းငယ္အတြင္းတြင္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ၌ သည္းခံျခင္းတရား နည္းပါးမႈႏွင့္ ဘာသာေရး အစြန္းေရာက္မႈတို႔ ျဖစ္ေပၚပ်ံ႕ႏွံ႔ခဲ့သည္။ ဤကိစၥႏွင့္ပတ္သက္၍ မြတ္စလင္လူနည္းစု အသိုင္းအဝိုင္းမ်ားအေပၚ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္မူဝါဒျဖင့္လည္းေကာင္း၊ ဥပေဒျဖင့္လည္းေကာင္း စနစ္တက် ခြဲျခားဖိႏွိပ္ထားျခင္းမွာ ထင္ရွားလွပါသည္။ ယင္းခြဲျခားဖိႏွိပ္မႈ ျပင္းထန္မႈေၾကာင့္ မႏွစ္တြင္ ႀကီးမားလွသည့္ ေဒသတြင္းဒုကၡသည္ အက်ပ္အတည္းႏွင့္ လူသားခ်င္း စာနာေရးအက်ပ္အတည္း ေပၚေပါက္ေစခဲ့ရာ ေတာင္အာရွမွ ေနရာအခ်ဳိ႕ႏွင့္ အေရွ႕ေတာင္အာရွ၏ အဓိကအစိတ္ အပိုင္းတစ္ခုကို လႊမ္းမိုးသြားခဲ့သည္။ ယေန႔အထိပင္ ၎တို႔အား ႏွိပ္ကြပ္မႈႏွင့္ ၎တို႔ထြက္ေျပးရမႈ၏ အေျခခံ အေၾကာင္းတရားမ်ားကို မေျဖရွင္းႏိုင္ေသးေပ။ နက္႐ႈိင္းစြာအျမစ္တြယ္ေနသည့္ ပဋိပကၡမ်ားကို ေျပလည္ေအာင္ ေျဖရွင္းၿပီး အမွန္တရား၊ တရားမွ်တမႈႏွင့္ တာ၀န္ယူမႈတာဝန္ခံမႈတို႔ကို ထူေထာင္ရန္ လုိအပ္ပါသည္။ ဤသည္မွာ က်ယ္ျပန္႔ေသာ ႏိုင္ငံတကာ၏ ေထာက္ကူမႈ၊ ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေလ့လာမႈႏွင့္ ကၽြမ္းက်င္မႈတို႔ လိုအပ္မည့္ ဧရာမလုပ္ငန္း တာဝန္ႀကီးပင္ ျဖစ္ပါသည္။

ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသမိုင္း၏ အေရးႀကီးလွသည့္ ယခုလိုအခ်ိန္မ်ဳိးတြင္ UNHRC အေနျဖင့္ ဦးေဆာင္မႈ အခန္းက႑မွ ပါဝင္ေဆာင္ရြက္ရန္ အထူးအေရးႀကီးလွသည္။ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံသည္ ဒီမိုကေရစီစနစ္သို႔ အေျခတည္စ အသြင္ေျပာင္းလဲမႈ ႏွင့္ ႏိုင္ငံေရးျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲမႈမ်ားကို ဆက္လက္လုပ္ေဆာင္ေနခ်ိန္တြင္ ေကာင္စီသည္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံႏွင့္ ထိေတြ႔ ဆက္ဆံခဲ့သည့္ ၎၏ကာလရွည္အေတြ႔အၾကံဳကို အသံုးခ်သင့္ပါသည္။ ယင္းသို႔လုပ္ႏိုင္ရန္အတြက္ ေကာင္စီသည္ ၎၏အစီအစဥ္အမွတ္ ၄ အရလက္ရွိထိေတြ႔ဆက္ဆံမႈကိုဆက္လက္လုပ္ေဆာင္၍ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံရင္ဆိုင္ေနရသည့္ ဧရာမလူ႔အခြင့္အေရးစိန္ေခၚမႈမ်ားကို ကိုင္တြယ္ရန္ ရွင္းလင္းသည့္ ဦးတည္ခ်က္ႏွင့္ လမ္းျပေျမပံု ခင္းျပႏိုင္ရန္ ဤသမိုင္းဝင္အခ်ိန္အခါတြင္ အခြင့္ေကာင္းယူသင့္ပါသည္။ ယင္းလုပ္ရပ္ႏွင့္တြဲဖက္လ်က္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံအစိုးရသည္ လည္း ျပည္တြင္း၌ ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေလ့လာခြင့္ႏွင့္ သတင္းပို႔အစီရင္ခံခြင့္အာဏာ အျပည့္အဝရွိေသာ ကုလသမဂၢ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးဆိုင္ရာမဟာမင္းႀကီး႐ံုး (Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights) ဖြင့္ေရး ကာလၾကာထစ္ေငါ့ေနမႈကို အဆင္ေျပေခ်ာေမြ႔သြားေစမည့္ေျခလွမ္းမ်ား ခ်က္ျခင္းလွမ္းသင့္ပါသည္။
 

လက္မွတ္ထိုးသူမ်ား

1.    ေက်းလက္လူငယ္ကြန္ယက္ (ေစတုတၲရာ)
2.    စိမ္းေရာင္စို (တံတားဦး)
3.    တံတားဦးစီမံကိန္းမ်ားေစာင့္ႀကည့္ေရးေကာ္မတီ
4.    ေတာင္သူလယ္သမားမ်ားသမဂၢ (တံတားဦး)
5.    ကံမလူငယ္အဖဲြ႕
6.    ေညာင္ကုန္းသစ္ပင္ခ်စ္သူမ်ားအဖဲြ႕(ပြင့္ျဖဴ)
7.    မင္းလွ၊ သရက္လူငယ္အဖဲြ႕
8.    ပေဒသာမိုး
9.    တြံေတးကြန္ရက္
10.    လြတ္လပ္ေသာအရိႈခ်င္းမ်ားအင္အားစု (ငဖဲ)
11.    Action Committee for Democracy Development
12.    All Arakan Civil Society Organizations Partnership
13.    All Arakan Students' and Youths' Congress
14.    All Burma Federation of Student Unions
15.    Alliance for Gender Inclusion in the Peace Process
16.    Arakan Rivers Network
17.    Article 19 Myanmar
18.    Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
19.    Association of Human Rights Defenders and Promoters
20.    Ayerwaddy West Development Organization (မင္းဘူး)
21.    Azure Women Group
22.    Back Pack Health Worker Team
23.    Burma Issues
24.    Burma Medical Association
25.    Burma Partnership
26.    Burma Study Center
27.    Burmese Women's Union
28.    Candle Light
29.    Care For Children
30.    Chin Youth Network
31.    Chinland Natural Resources Watch Group
32.    Civil Authorize Negotiate Organization
33.    Committee for Internally Displaced Karen People
34.    Committee for Protection and Promotion of Child Rights (Burma)
35.    Community Response Group
36.    Community Sustainable Livelihood Development Committee
37.    Dawei 88 Geneation
38.    Dawei Development Association
39.    Dawei Research Association
40.    Dawei Watch Foundation
41.    Dawei Youth Fellowship
42.    Diverze Youth Art Platform
43.    Educational Initiatives
44.    Equality Myanmar
45.    Ethnic Affairs Institute
46.    Ethnic Youths Development Center
47.    Farmer Union (Dawei District)
48.    Farmer Union Kyaukse
49.    Farmers And Landworkers Union (Myanmar)
50.    Forum for Democracy in Burma
51.    Free Thinkers
52.    Future Light Center
53.    Gender Equality Network
54.    Gender and Development Institute-Myanmar
55.    Genuine People's Servants
56.    Green Rights Organization (Shan State)
57.    Green Soul
58.    Green Trust Pyin Oo Lwin
59.    Human Rights Defenders Myingyan
60.    Human Rights Educators Network
61.    Human Rights Foundation of Mon Land
62.    Human Rights Watch Dawei
63.    Humanity Institute
64.    IFI Watch Myanmar
65.    ISchool – Myanmar
66.    Justice Movement for Community – Innlay
67.    Kachin Canadian Association
68.    Kachin Development Networking Group
69.    Kachin Legal Aid Network
70.    Kachin Peace Network
71.    Kachin Women Peace Network
72.    Kachin Women's Association – Thailand
73.    Karen Environmental and Social Action Network
74.    Karen Human Rights Group
75.    Karen Women's Organization
76.    Karenni National Women's Organization
77.    Karenni Refugee Committee
78.    Karenni Social Welfare and Development Center
79.    Kayan Women's Organization
80.    Land in Our Hands
81.    Mae Tao Clinic
82.    Mon Youth Organization - Ye
83.    Mong Pan Youth Association
84.    Myanmar Alliance for Transparency and Accountability
85.    Myanmar Alliance for Transparency and Accountability (Mandalay Division)
86.    Myanmar China Pipeline Watch Committee
87.    Myanmar Network Organization for Free and Fair Elections
88.    Myanmar People Alliance
89.    Nay Thu Yein Law Firm
90.    Network for Democracy and Development
91.    Network for Human Rights Documentation – Burma
92.    Overseas Irrawaddy Association
93.    Palaung Women's Organization
94.    Parents, Families and Friends of Lesbians and Gays – Myanmar
95.    Paung Ku
96.    Peace & Open Society (Kyaukse Twonship)
97.    Peace and Justice
98.    Rays of Kamothway Indegnious Pepole Network
99.    Sha-it Social Development Foundation
100.    Shan Human Rights Foundation
101.    Shan Youth Power
102.    Social Program Aid for Civil Education
103.    Takapaw
104.    Tanintharyi River and Indegnious People Network
105.    Tavoyan Women's Union
106.    Ta'ang Students and Youth Organization
107.    The Seagull: Human Rights, Peace and Development
108.    Thuriya Sandra Environmentally
109.    Union of Karenni State Youth
110.    United ACT
111.    Upper Chindwin Youth Network
112.    Volunteer Youth Group (ေစတုတၲရာ)
113.    Wan Lark Development Foundation (Arakan)
114.    Warmly Metta Organization
115.    Women And Peace Action Network (Shan State)
116.    Women's League of Burma
117.    Yaung Chi Oo Workers' Association
118.    Yaung Zin Organization
119.    Youth Development Network
120.    Youth Pacemaker Organization
121.    Zomi Students and Youth Organization

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As Daw Aung San Suu Kyi proclaimed,

As Daw Aung San Suu Kyi proclaimed,
"Justice is a dream. But it is a dream we are determined to realize."