Saturday, December 8, 2018

Friday, December 7, 2018

FBR: Rangers Help Vulnerable Civilians in Kachin State


Rangers Help Vulnerable Civilians in Kachin State

8 December 2019

Kachin State, Burma

On the move in Kachin State.
On the move in Kachin State.

The Kachin of northern Burma are beleaguered, desperately in need of aid and vulnerable to attack. The Burma Army has conducted military offensives against civilian populations and forced more than 100,000 Kachin to flee since 2011, becoming internally displaced people (IDPs) in their historic lands. The displaced reside in camps and the jungle in various levels of deprivation, fearful of the army's return.

They call out for help, and during FBR's September 2018 humanitarian relief mission the villagers all said the same thing: "We don't want to run. We need peace in our Kachin land."

Lawa, the FBR team leader, coordinated with state government officials and camp leaders to locate vulnerable IDPs that the team could impact the most. Several camps were identified in the Sumprabum Township jungle in northern Kachin State, where over 900 IDPs struggle to access basic goods as they are located far from supplies, medical care and Kachin State government assistance, yet within Burma Army-controlled territory and the military's reach.

"I never thought to do a mission in Burma Army-controlled area before, but I had dreamed a lot to do a mission there. Why? This is our Kachin peoples. We need to help and take care of them," Lawa said.

The Ranger team came from various quarters of Kachin State to rendezvous and prepare for the mission. Six Rangers and a guide journeyed to the IDP camps over a three-day period, first in overladen vehicles on Kachin State unimproved roads that wind through mountainous terrain, then by boat and raft, an upriver struggle that occasionally required the Rangers to hike river sections not navigable by boat.

With all their supplies for the IDPs, they had to pass by Burma Army posts, with soldiers that questioned their passage and reasons for carrying so many supplies. To protect their mission, the Rangers claimed to be freelance miners, as Kachin State is rich in jade, amber and gold and mining is a common occupation.

"We say thank God! Nobody was arrested," Lawa said. "Very difficult mission to carry supplies to these Kachin IDPs."

Away from the soldiers' scrutiny, the Rangers grunted their way up steep jungle hills, eager to reach the IDP camps. Once they arrived, the villagers shared the story of their oppression and how they remain vulnerable.

In June 2015 the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) and Kachin Independence Army (KIA) leaders sent word to Sama Mountain villagers and neighboring villages in Sumprabum Township that hostilities between the Burma Army and KIA were approaching. "We were told we needed to prepare to find somewhere to hide," one farmer named Lu Bu, aged 53 and born in Sama, said when interviewed by the Rangers. She recounted how they first fled to a neighboring village for two days before being told to flee further away to Ndup Yang IDP Camp. "The war between the Burma Army and KIA was becoming too hot," she said.

A young teacher named Ban Nu, aged 22, who fled from the 2015 Burma Army advance, described the difficulty of trying to educate children within the conflict zone. "I don't remember how many times we are running here and there. It was hard to teach the students because of no proper facilities, and the situation was very uncertain even when we stayed in IDP camps," she said. "Stop the war in our Kachin land!"

Since 2015, the IDP camps and villagers remain impacted by the Burma Army presence. Approximately three kilometers down river from the camps and villages, the Burma Army Light Infantry Battalion (LIB) 138 has a base, and their proximity to the villages is intended to prevent villagers from supporting Kachin resistance groups. Here, the Burma Army is an occupier and military authority, and in January and May 2018 fighting engulfed the villagers' lives again.

The children of these mountains, whose families are supported by subsistence farms and who are educated in small village schools, learned about the fighting firsthand. Tu Lum, a 13-year-old boy, was sitting in class in January 2018 when the first gunshots were heard and explosions tore through the silence of the valleys. "What's going on?" he fearfully asked his teacher. "Everyone was shocked and scared," Tu Lum recounted.

The teachers decided to send the students home to be with their families, so Tu Lum hurriedly ran home. He arrived and found no one, as his parents were tending their paddy fields outside of the village.  Discerning the danger, Tu Lum packed supplies for when it came time to flee, and then he waited in front of his home, alone, for his parent's return.

After an hour of waiting, Tu Lum's parents returned from their paddy field. They grabbed their boy and the supplies he had packed and hurriedly ran from their village and hid in their fields. They stayed in the paddy fields for three weeks, listening as the fighting would subside and escalate. The fighting moved closer to their paddy, so the family made their way to Salang Yang IDP Camp, where they remain. Other villagers stayed in the jungle for two months, not even able to light fires out of fear that the light and smoke would attract Burma Army soldiers.

January's attacks were consistent with previous battles between the Burma Army and KIA. In May 2018, the Burma Army would target civilians.

Life in Bawmwang Village began early, at six or seven. After breakfast villagers would go to their fields and begin their work-day. On 12 May 2018, Zung Dai, a father of six, left two of his children at home as he departed to tend his paddy. The other four children were away with his wife. On the way, he heard the thundering of jets soaring past his village, something he heard about once a year.

As he walked, he heard the jets circle back around and deafening explosions came from the village. Panicked about his children, Zung Dai rushed home to find them screaming, terrified. He ran inside and gathered them into his arms. The bombs continued to fall. "What should I do?" he wondered. He could stay in his village and home that were being targeted, or flee – but without preparation and without his wife and other four children. He decided he had to get the two children with him to safety immediately. He was worried about running back into the village, so, taking one child in his arms and swinging the other onto his back, he kicked out the bamboo wall at the back of his home and fled into the jungle behind his house.

His children cried with fear as they hid. "Okay, don't cry," he said. "Father is with you." Zung Dai held his children in the jungle for ten minutes, while the jets circled the village and released eight bombs, all of which fell inside the Kachin Baptist Church Missionary School property. "In the hiding place I looked out and saw black smoke in the village," he said. He emerged to see what the damage was. "Nobody was injured or died, only our village headmaster's house was hit by bomb shrapnel," Zung Dai said. "Please tell the world what has happened to our village, so that we can get freedom and peace."

A bomb that didn't explode.
A bomb that didn’t explode.
A villager points to where a bomb landed in Kachin State.
A villager points to where a bomb landed in Kachin State.

The uncertainty of when an attack will come and if the villagers will need to flee again weighs on the hearts of the displaced in these camps. The Good Life Club program the Rangers conducted helped to lift the spirits of these displaced people, if only for a couple of days, to give them hope. The Rangers sang and danced with the villagers at both camps, told stories with biblical themes and lessons, and shared their joy in being able to give all of the supplies they had brought with them to their people. They also provided medical care for patients who needed it.

Ndup Yang IDP Camp manages 110 households of 627 people, and Salang Yang IDP Camp supports 64 households and 307 people, totaling 934 IDPs.

Rangers handing out food to the IDPs
Rangers handing out food to the IDPs.

The Rangers distributed:

  1. Rice (70) bags weighting 50kg each  = 3500kg
  2. Garlic (10) bags weighing 32kg each = 320kg.
  3. Ground nuts (2) bags weighing 80kg each = 160kg.
  4. Dry fish (2) bags.
  5. Salt (10) bags weighing 40kg each = 400kg.
  6. Cooking oil 50 liters.
  7. Fermented fish sauce (200) tin cans.
  8. Indian beans/dal (3) bags weighting 80kg each = 240kg.
  9. Some useful materials for the children.

Village leaders said the main struggle encountered daily is difficulty in cultivating their farms freely. Burma Army patrols move regularly through their area. It is also difficult to manage their children because of the unstable situation. IDP camps struggle to have resources for education and well-trained teachers. Lastly, their earnings are insufficient. In one day, a male may earn 10,000 kyats and a female may earn 6,000 kyats ($6.30 and $3.78 USD, respectively) for labor-intensive work.

Medical Treatment:

The team medics were able to treat more than 100 patients who came to them with various ailments. The majority of the conditions were related to poor nutrition and lack of shelter – things such as anemia, general weakness, body aches, coughs and fevers. About 25% of the patients were children, mostly from one camp. Many of their symptoms were indicative of respiratory ailments which can be quite contagious and to which children are particularly vulnerable. This is concerning, as the isolation of the camps makes it difficult to respond quickly to any kind of disease outbreak.

Rangers conducting a GLC program with Kachin IDPs.
Rangers conducting a GLC program with Kachin IDPs.

Good Life Club Programs

The first GLC program, at Ndup Yang camp, had approximately 200 children. At the Salang Yang IDP Camp about 100 children participated. IDPs praised the material and spiritual relief that the team brought. "We worry about our life and our future!  You give us hope," an IDP man said. "Please come every year to give us help."

Another IDP woman said, "Thank you for providing food and medical treatment and also taking care of our children."

Lawa, the mission team leader, saw the benefit of the mission for developing his Rangers. "This mission is good to do," he said. "We can't buy all the help for the different ethnic people in Burma, but I have a duty to try."

Lawa's final mission conclusion was, "The IDP peoples really appreciate our FBR team and were very…very thankful, they also mention that God open the way for them to meet FBR team, this is the special blessing from our almighty God. Thank you so much…for everything and we are always welcome to come back again, that's their hope and prayer."

Thanks for praying for us and God bless you,

Kachin Free Burma Rangers

IMG_1216
IDP children enjoy a snack during a Good Life Club program.
IMG_1217
IDP children enjoy a snack during a Good Life Club program.

Love one another
Unite for freedom, justice and peace
Forgive and do not hate each other
Pray with faith, Act with courage
Never surrender

The Free Burma Rangers’ (FBR) mission is to provide hope, help and love to internally displaced people inside Burma, regardless of ethnicity or religion. Using a network of indigenous field teams, FBR reports on human rights abuses, casualties and the humanitarian needs of people who are under the oppression of the Burma Army. FBR provides medical, spiritual and educational resources for IDP communities as they struggle to survive Burmese military attacks.

For more information, please visit www.freeburmarangers.org

© 2017 Free Burma Rangers | Contact FBR

To unsubscribe from this email list, please respond to this email with the word REMOVE in the subject line, or send email to mailadmin@freeburmarangers.org.

Thursday, December 6, 2018

Weekly Highlights: No Safety, No Return - Involuntary and Non-Consultative Closure of IDP Camps a Violation of the Principles of International Law

    

No Safety, No Return - Involuntary and Non-Consultative Closure of IDP Camps a Violation of the Principles of International Law

Muslim residents at Taungpaw an internally displaced people's camp walk through the flood to reach the new house built by the Myanmar government in central Rakhine, Myanmar, June 14, 2018. Photo credit: Stringer/ Reuters

 

 

In June 2018 when the Myanmar[1] government announced its decision to close down the internally displaced persons (IDP) camps in Karen, Kachin, Shan and Rakhine States, over 100 CSOs expressed grave concerns regarding the government's strategy, calling the move premature and shortsighted. Despite these calls, the Myanmar government continues to forge on, holding yet another workshop on the "National Strategy on Closure of IDP Camps" without the participation of IDPs and affected communities.

 

The strategy developed by the Union Minister for Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement is misguided at best and at worst, whitewashes the ongoing genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes that ethnic communities continue to endure. The workshop was held just a month after the Chair of the UN Independent International Fact-Finding Mission stated that an ongoing genocide is taking place in Myanmar and that the estimated hundreds of thousands of Rohingya who remain in Myanmar "continue to suffer the most severe" restrictions and repressions. Most recently, a plan to repatriate over 2,000 Rohingya refugees from Bangladesh to Myanmar was postponed due to ongoing safety and security concerns on the ground.

 

To add to the mounting evidence that conditions on the ground is far from possible closure of IDP camps, a human rights law group, Public International Law and Policy Group (PILPG), who conducted the report on Rakhine State for the U.S. State Department has stated that there are reasonable grounds to believe that crimes against humanity and genocide had been committed against the Rohingya. Yet rather than focusing on holding perpetrators of these grave crimes accountable and ensuring the safe, dignified and sustainable return of IDPs, the government's strategy continues to turn a blind eye to the root causes of displacement - namely an unaccountable military that continues to act with impunity and is emboldened to promote the majority Bamar-Buddhist supremacy fostered through decades of military control and power.

 

Just as the Rohingya refugees were left out of the now halted process of repatriation from Bangladesh, the recent strategy lacks consultation with IDPs in matters that will deeply affect their lives. Since January 2018, at least 28,000 civilians have been displaced due to armed conflict in Kachin and Shan States as intensity and frequency of the use of heavy weapons, aerial bombardment and artillery continued to escalate. As the Myanmar military continues to act with total disregard for international humanitarian law, one IDP from Kachin State echoed his community's desires in an interview stating, "We do not want to go home: we are scared it is not safe. You need to find a solution to the conflict before forcing people to return." As is the case in Rakhine State, safety and security on the ground are far from conducive to any return or closure of IDP camps in Kachin and Shan States.

 

Moreover, the government strategy does not address the restitution of the lost land and property of IDPs, including issues surrounding secondary occupation, contested claims to land and land titles, laws and policy that prioritize large-scale agribusiness and other private investors and the recognition of customary land law - which is one of the most common legal systems governing land in displaced people's places of origin. The government has also recently further entrenched laws favoring private investors by adopting the 2018 Vacant, Fallow and Virgin Land Management Law, much to the dismay of over 340 Myanmar CSOs. The law especially threatens the security of IDPs, as the use of land which has not been registered can lead to imprisonment of up to two years. As the statement released by Kachin and Shan IDPs elucidates, "The lands that IDPs have left behind is not vacant, fallow or virgin land. Before the fighting happened in 2011, our ancestors were the original occupant and had worked on those lands using our own customary practices." Sadly, IDPs' original land that they owned prior to displacement could already be taken over by the government, and under this newly adopted law they may not be able to reclaim their land for restitution.

 

Allowing the closure of IDP camps to take place is to allow the government to bury their heads in the sand and sow seeds of yet more conflict and displacement. What is impeding development in ethnic areas is not the existence of IDP camps, but the ongoing war that is being waged against ethnic communities as well as the centralization of resource and power by those who continue to grip onto the status quo at the expense of the marginalization and persecution of ethnic communities. Thus, the voices and concerns of the displaced ethnic communities must be at the center of a strategy that will deeply impact their life and future. Rather than covering up the humanitarian crisis by closing down IDP camps, the Myanmar government should ensure that humanitarian aid workers have rapid and unimpeded access to all IDP camps including those under EAO controlled areas and ensure that local ethnic humanitarian organizations can operate without threats, intimidation and legal consequences. For far too long, the government has been willfully impeding relief supplies by restricting the movement of humanitarian aid and aid workers in violation of the Geneva Convention and international humanitarian law.

 

What is more, those who continue to commit atrocity crimes must be held accountable. Under the current conditions, it is clear that the strategy will only serve to force the most vulnerable communities in Myanmar to leave their makeshift camps to return to the killing fields. Any measures that may end in the forceful removal of IDPs constitute a violation of international humanitarian law prohibiting the forcible transfer of civilians and will also result in the violation of the principle of non-refoulement. The international community must pressure the Myanmar government to immediately halt the process of closing down IDP camps and consult the IDPs and affected ethnic communities.

 


[1] One year following the 1988 pro-democracy uprising, the former military junta changed the country's name from Burma to Myanmar overnight. Progressive Voice uses the term 'Myanmar' in acknowledgment that most people of the country use this term. However, the deception of inclusiveness and the historical process of coercion by the former State Peace and Development Council military regime into usage of 'Myanmar' rather than 'Burma' without the consent of the people is recognized and not forgotten.

 

STATEMENTS AND PRESS RELEASES

 

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New Report and Documentary "The Attran River to Pyar Taung" Highlights the MCL Cement Factory's Damage to Local Environment and Livelihoods

 

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Statement on 2018 VFV Law by IDPs from Kachin and Northern Shan State

 

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About Progressive Voice

 

Progressive Voice is a participatory rights-based policy research and advocacy organization that was born out of Burma Partnership. Burma Partnership officially ended its work on October 10, 2016 the same day that Progressive Voice was formally established. For further information, please see our press release "Burma Partnership Celebrates Continuing Regional Solidarity for Burma and Embraces the Work Ahead for Progressive Voice."

     


Wednesday, November 28, 2018

FBR: Flooding and Lack of Medical Care Affect Naga Region


Flooding and Lack of Medical Care Affect Naga Region

29 November 2018

Sagaing Division, Burma

A collapsed road in the Naga region.
A collapsed road in the Naga region.

In the Naga Hills of Sagaing Division, in northwestern Burma, the FBR Naga team has been conducting medical and relief missions into new territories that are so remote, they receive little outside assistance or attention.

The team conducts two mission per year, with the initial 2018 mission happening in Namyun Division in February. Over the course of three weeks, the Rangers provided mobile clinic services ten times to help villagers' medical issues and conducted multiple interviews with locals to ascertain major problems and how they could provide additional assistance on future missions.

The villagers reported that though they have seen some improvements in recent years, such as the Burma Army no longer forcing them to provide unpaid porters to carry their supplies, they have issues of food security, as they are reliant on their rice harvest which is dependent on unreliable weather. Although other food crops can be grown, with limited government assistance available in the event of harvest failures, their subsistence is precarious at all times.

Additionally, although there is a government polio inoculation scheme in place, healthcare provision is almost non-existent and often difficult to reach. One village leader told the team that:

"The villagers are commonly suffering from coughing and diarrhoea. In the raining season sometimes we suffer the death of our children from those diseases. We have to send the patients to Namyun, Dunghee, or Lahe but it is very hard to afford to pay for a motorbike. From our village to Dunghee it is three days on foot, to Lahe six days, and to Namyun ten. For emergency patients, we have to carry the sick."

In every village that the team visited they were asked to return whenever possible as for some the FBR team was the only medical personnel available to them.

The dedication of the Naga team to provide assistance was especially valued when they were able to get critical supplies to areas severely affected by flooding during their June mission in the area.

The mission had problems from the start, with the ranger team finding the roads and bridges they needed to use to reach the mission area destroyed by the heavy rains and multiple landslides. Then, while returning from a clinic they had held in Zingaling Town, Leshi Township, they received word that another town had suffered a disaster. The Naga team leader said that:

"We got the information about the flood in Mobilute Town, at least 40 Naga families were totally suffering from lack of food and most people were in need of medical health care. So we decided to go there straight away."

FBR Naga team delivers rice and medical supplies to flooded communities.
FBR Naga team delivers rice and medical supplies to flooded communities.

 

FBR Medics provide clinic services to villagers affected by flooding.
FBR Medics provide clinic services to villagers affected by flooding.

The swift action by the team meant they were able to purchase forty large bags of rice and give it to the flood victims and provide medical assistance. One villager said, "We have no help from government nor any other groups. In such situation and not expecting help, we were surprised to have a help from the Naga FBR Team for the first time. This is the first time that we are getting help for flood victims, though we are facing such floods every year for the last three years. The Government has been neglecting and ignoring our suffering and no humanitarian aid has been provided to us."

Flooding in the Naga region.
Flooding in the Naga region.

A local leader explained that the situation was the product of the government policy in previous years of forced relocation for Naga villagers. He said that:

"Mobilute Town was established only in 2010 by Myanmar Government, who forced many families and some entire villages to move here. Since 2014, every year the flood is happening. On 13 June 2018, the flood started suddenly at night. Four to five family lost most of their belongings and loss affected another 40-50 families. At least 5-10 acres of rice fields were also destroyed.

Last year during the flood, Myanmar government provided one torch light and one pound of rice to each family affected."

He, like everyone else the ranger team had helped, expressed his thanks.

"There is no organization providing help to us except the Naga FBR Team," he said.

Flooding in the Naga region.
Flooding in the Naga region.
Flooding in the Naga region.
Flooding in the Naga region.
FBR Medics provide clinic services to villagers affected by flooding.
FBR Medics provide clinic services to villagers affected by flooding.
FBR Medics provide clinic services to villagers affected by flooding.
FBR Medics provide clinic services to villagers affected by flooding.

 


Love one another
Unite for freedom, justice and peace
Forgive and do not hate each other
Pray with faith, Act with courage
Never surrender

The Free Burma Rangers’ (FBR) mission is to provide hope, help and love to internally displaced people inside Burma, regardless of ethnicity or religion. Using a network of indigenous field teams, FBR reports on human rights abuses, casualties and the humanitarian needs of people who are under the oppression of the Burma Army. FBR provides medical, spiritual and educational resources for IDP communities as they struggle to survive Burmese military attacks.

For more information, please visit www.freeburmarangers.org

© 2017 Free Burma Rangers | Contact FBR

To unsubscribe from this email list, please respond to this email with the word REMOVE in the subject line, or send email to mailadmin@freeburmarangers.org.

Tuesday, November 27, 2018

Weekly Highlights: International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women a Day of Shame for Myanmar

    

International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women a Day of Shame for Myanmar

On 25th November, the world marks the International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women. The date also marks 16 days of activism to galvanize action to end violence against women and girls around the world.  Photo credit: UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs​

 

 

On 25 November, the world marked International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women. In Myanmar[1], however, violence against women perpetrated by state actors - especially in ethnic and religious minority communities - is systemic, as documented by ethnic women's organizations for decades.

One of the components of the recent violence against the Rohingya community that forced over 700,000 people across the border to Bangladesh, where they are currently facing an uncertain future, was the widespread use of rape and sexual violence. As documented by the Kaladan Press Network in the report 'Rape by Command,' the use of sexual violence was systematic, authorized by commanding officers, and began before the main violent crackdown that started on 25 August, 2017. The report stated, "Sexual violence involved hundreds of soldiers and occurred across the length of Maungdaw and northern Buthidaung. Such scale and breadth of incidence provides strong evidence that rape was systematically planned and used as a weapon against the Rohingya population." The report includes testimonies of how some women were locked up in military camps and repeatedly raped during the operation. It also documents how rape would often take place in front of civilians and other soldiers, inflicting terror on local populations but also demonstrating the impunity with which this was done. The UN Secretary-General, Antonio Guterres, speaking on the crackdown and violence stated "The widespread threat and use of sexual violence was integral to this strategy, serving to humiliate, terrorise and collectively punish the Rohingya community, as a calculated tool to force them to flee their homelands and prevent their return." The UN Special Envoy on Sexual Violence, Pramila Patten concurred, that the use of sexual violence against the Rohingya "is a calculated tool of terror aimed at the extermination and removal of the Rohingya as a group."

Ethnic Karen, Kachin, Shan, and other minorities in other parts of Myanmar can, and have, testified to this type of violence, that has been perpetrated systematically by the Myanmar military for decades. These ethnic civil society organizations have all documented the use of sexual violence by the Myanmar military as a weapon of war against their communities; for example, the high-profile case of the two ethnic Kachin schoolteachers, raped and brutally murdered by the Myanmar military soldiers in Shan State in 2015. In July this year, six female medics working for the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) were captured and murdered by the Myanmar military. Women also get caught in the crossfire as the Myanmar military exacerbates ethnic divisions between the Shan and the Ta'ang armed groups, as a 60 year old Kachin woman was shot dead during fighting between the Restoration Council of Shan State and the TNLA and Shan State Progressive Party.

In all these cases, justice for the victims and survivors of the violence remains elusive. It is clear that as impunity continues to flourish, the Myanmar military will persist in using sexual violence to inflict terror unless accountability and justice for past and ongoing violence is addressed. Myanmar is bound by its obligations under UN Security Council Resolution (UNSC) 1325 and related resolutions on women, peace and security. UNSC 1325 urges all states to develop and adopt a national action plan and take measures to ensure that women and girls are protected from gender-based and sexual violence and "to prosecute those responsible for genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes including those relating to sexual and other violence against women and girls." The actions of both the military and the Government demonstrate clearly that Myanmar does not comply with this vital resolution that it is obliged to implement for the sake of peace and security.

Therefore, the decades of sexual and gender-based violence perpetrated against women, particularly from ethnic minority communities as well as all other forms of crimes against humanity and war crimes, will not end until the international community takes a decisive stance. The international communities must take urgent action to hold the main perpetrators of violence - the Myanmar military - to account through an international criminal accountability mechanism, preferably through the International Criminal Court. As Naw Htoo Htoo, Programme Director for the Karen Human Rights Group expressed in a statement commemorating International Day for the Elimination of  Violence against Women, "For decades, female survivors of sexual violence have suffered in silence. We owe them justice and protection. The time has come to put an end to the reign of impunity and to create the necessary conditions for women to live a life free of sexual violence."

 


[1] One year following the 1988 pro-democracy uprising, the former military junta changed the country's name from Burma to Myanmar overnight. Progressive Voice uses the term 'Myanmar' in acknowledgment that most people of the country use this term. However, the deception of inclusiveness and the historical process of coercion by the former State Peace and Development Council military regime into usage of 'Myanmar' rather than 'Burma' without the consent of the people is recognized and not forgotten.

 

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By United Nationalities Alliance

 

စည္းလံုးညီညြတ္ေသာတိုင္းရင္းသားလူမ်ိဳးမ်ားမဟာမိတ္ႏွင့္ မိတ္ဖက္အဖြဲ႔အစည္းမ်ား၏ေျမလြတ္၊ ေျမလပ္ႏွင့္ ေျမ႐ိုင္းမ်ား စီမံခန္႔ခြဲမႈဥပေဒႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္သည့္ ပူးတြဲ သေဘာထား ထုတ္ျပန္ခ်က္

By United Nationalities Alliance

 

ႏိုင္ငံတကာ အမ်ိဳးသမီးမ်ားအေပၚ အၾကမ္းဖက္မႈပေပ်ာက္ေရးေန႔ အထိမ္းအမွတ္ ထုတ္ျပန္ေၾကညာခ်က္ – "အမ်ိဳးသမီးမ်ားအေပၚ အၾကမ္းဖက္မႈပေပ်ာက္ေရး ဥပေဒျဖင့္ကာကြယ္ေပး"

By Women's League of Burma

About Progressive Voice

 

Progressive Voice is a participatory rights-based policy research and advocacy organization that was born out of Burma Partnership. Burma Partnership officially ended its work on October 10, 2016 the same day that Progressive Voice was formally established. For further information, please see our press release "Burma Partnership Celebrates Continuing Regional Solidarity for Burma and Embraces the Work Ahead for Progressive Voice."